In my live interview on RT in London on 2 October, 2014, the lady anchor suggests that there is some evidence of possible foreign influence in the Hong Kong protests.
There are growing suspicions in Beijing that foreign forces have been at work. Some of the student leaders were trained in America's Hong Kong Centre in the Chinese University of Hong Kong. The US National Democracy Institute (NDI), whose objective is to promote democrcacy and electoral reform worldwide, has been funding a web program in the University of Hong Kong where Dr Benny Tai is the top leader of the Occupy Central movement.
What is more, it has been widely reported in the Hong Kong media that Jimmy Lai, the owner of the most anti-Beijing and anti-establishment newspaer, the Apple Daily, has secretly donated millions of dollars to prominent activist groups and individuals. Mr Lai is a good friend of Paul Wolfowitz, former US Deputy Defence Secretary.
Last year, a large caste of military-grade rifles dis-assemblied in various parts was uncovered by customs in Hong Kong. The shipment came from the United States.
While none of the above is conclusive evidence of foreign instigation, it is no surprise that Beijing has become rattled as the students and the other activists demand no less than the overthrow of the decision of the highest state organ in Beijing and the resignation of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong appointed by the Beijing government.
The fact that Hong Kong has enjoyed international reputation as the freest economy in the world with freedoms and liberties many countries would envy and that it was Beijing's initiative to include the idea of universal suffrage in Hong Kong's Basic Law in the first place has rubbed salt in Beijing's wounds..
Beijng now smells a plot to engineer a "Colour Revolution" in China through an "Umbrella Revolution" in Hong Kong. The article of 1 October 2014 Xi Jinping could be China's last Communist ruler by Larry Diamond, Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and Director of Standford's Centre on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, only served to confirm Beijing's suspicions. Beijing's anxiety was manifested in the tight censorship in China of reports on Hong Kong's protests and suspending the free flow of Chinese tourists to Hong Kong for the time being.
Most of the Hong Kong population, while all welcoming more democracy, do not want to risk Hong Kong's stability by turning it into a base for subversion. Hence months ago, there was a massive rally of Anti-Occupy Central campaign gathering over 1.5 million personal signatures.
Meanwhile, many businesses and workers are getting impatient and worried that the Occupy movement is disrupting and threatening their daily livelihood. So the society has become polarized.
The Hong Kong government is now taking a strong stand on maintaining law and order so that the normal actitivities of the city can resume while offering to talk with the students and other activist groups to explore avenues to resolve the impasse. But there is no hope that any solution will depart from the safeguards of the Basic Law and threaten, in Beijing's mind, the very foundation of the One Country Two Systems formula.
At the end of the day, the majority of Hong Kong people are likley to support implementation of One Man One Vote in 2017 as promised by Beijng, however restricted the nomination system, rather than throwing the baby out with the bathwater.
Furthermore, the students and the pro-democracy camp have been jeering C.Y.Leung, who became the current Chief Executive by winning only 689 votes in a 1,200-member election committee. They have been reported as admitting that if the electoral reform is derailed by their opposition, CY is likely to be the greatest beneficiary if the current election system remains unchanged.
The reality is that there has never been trust between Beijing and the pro-demcracy camp. If One Man One Vote were allowed to proceed as planned, however imperfect the nomination scheme, there would at least be a chance to build the necessary trust on both sides to take democracy in Hong Kong forward in future.
In the eyes of Beijing, that would accord with the principle of gradual and orderly progress in the light of the actual situation in Hong Kong. as enshrined in Article 45 of the Basic Law.

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